When an incident involving pesticides
occurs, it is important at the outset for those
who think they may have been exposed to record
what they have been exposed to, under what
circumstances, at what levels and with what
adverse effects. This type of information may be
unavailable or very difficult to obtain. The
problems of investigating chemical exposures and
the nature of the current system for generating
and evaluating information about all chemicals
including pesticides has led to a crisis of
public confidence in a number of cases(1). The
process whereby environmental pollution
investigations have been communicated by
professionals to communities has also often been
flawed as with the Camelford case* and many
others.
Finding out about which
pesticide has affected you or may affect you in
the future, how much and in what form is vital
information. It may provide essential evidence
for a clinical diagnosis of your problem. It may
also be of use to check whether there are long
term and possibly chronic effects from an
exposure. Studies of these long term effects are
called epidemiological studies. Illness
(morbidity) and death (mortality) are
investigated, where possible, for small or large
populations.
Community/lay/worker
epidemiology may provide a better way forward for
employees and those in communities to investigate
the hazards around them either for themselves or
in conjunction with sympathetic professionals(2).
The approach is proving increasingly effective
among employees in workplaces(3). Lay
epidemiology has been defined as "the
process by which lay persons gather statistics
and other information and also direct and marshal
the knowledge and resources of experts in order
to understand the epidemiology of
disease."(4) For example in the US, lay
investigations of childhood leukaemia clusters
near a chemical plant at Woburn, Massachusetts
were carried out. The plant produced pesticides
and other chemicals. Professional epidemiologists
and lay people involved in the investigations had
different views on collecting, interpreting and
using data(5). The epidemiologists tended to look
only at data they thought 'scientific' and
discarded other form of data collected by
communities; they used only traditional methods
of analysis and discounted less orthodox methods;
they relied on 'statistical significance' as the
key guide to results and ignored data that was
significant but not statistically so.
Lay or community-based
occupational and environmental epidemiology
should be 'participative, non-expert; subjective;
and collective in nature'(6). Epidemiologists
should be prepared, in some instances, to work
for rather than on communities. Effectively,
epidemiologists should help communities do their
own epidemiology(7).
This type of approach,
sometimes called 'participatory research',
involves:
The
approach is not without problems including
methodological ones, the resistance of
professional scientists to share with the public,
the lack of funds and all the political issues of
the status of professionals and the concerns of
state bodies to control or restrict access to
data. Nevertheless, community or lay epidemiology
is still worth pursuing and has been successful
in Scandinavia and even in parts of the UK as
well as in the US.
The WHO
European Charter on Environment and Health
provides base line for community and workplace
action in the UK
| What
you need to know for lay/community
epidemiology The sort of information you will n eed to relate to includes:* 1 What pesticides were being used? Names and data sheets of the pesticide? 2 Who manufactured or formulated them? 3 What solvents and adjuvants were the pesticide active ingredient used with? 4 How were the pesticides applied or released. If applied, with what sort of sprayers, foggers, granules or applicators? What was the condition of the applicators? What amounts were used? If released accidentally, in what form were the pesticides when released? How much was released? Where did the released pesticides initially go (atmosphere, soil or water)? 5 What were the weather conditions at the time of exposure: windy, wet, warm, cold, etc. What was the prevailing direction of wind if drift was likely, or the direction of the stream or current if in lake or sea? * The Pesticides Trust [now PAN UK] has drawn up an incident form to help ensure all information is covered-available on request |
Several years ago, the International Federation of Plantation and Agricultural Workers mooted the idea of a pesticide passport to be held by every agricultural worker listing the type, date, amount and exposure of that worker to pesticides. This has finally been recognised by professional epidemiologists as a useful means to study exposures to pesticides and their effects. Communities should adopt a similar idea with either 'a Community Pollution Passport' or passports for individuals in a community. The sort of information listed above should all be included on such a passport.
Problems
with conventional epidemiology for pesticides
Epidemiology
explores the occurrence and distribution of
diseases and deaths in populations: the
populations may be very large or small, and based
on small areas. The larger the populations
studies, the greater the weight often given to
these because of their statistical significance.
However, large studies may also dilute the
effects of exposures on a small group and fail to
show a serious adverse effect on a small group
(or cluster) of workers or a small population.
Epidemiology shows correlations between various
factors. It does not show causes of disease for
individuals. This is why in pesticide health and
safety, toxicology and occupational hygiene are
the key preventative scientific disciplines.
Epidemiology checks that the other disciplines
are right and working.
There
have been enormous problems with epidemiology.
This partly relates to the difficulty of getting
good data to assess what exposures people may
have had to toxic agents and good data on what
specific illnesses they have contracted.
Sometimes exposure data may not exist and
sometimes the medical and scientific professions
may not be able diagnose certain effects of
exposure to pesticides or may disagree about the
effective measures and indicators of exposures.
Sometimes
there may be confounding factors in studies which
will mean results are not useful: for instance
tobacco smoking, gender and age are obvious
confounders. Epidemiological studies will attempt
to allow for such effects and where necessary
adjust figures of diseases and deaths
accordingly. There may also be problems with
identifying a control group with which to compare
the exposed populations. This has happened
frequently with epidemiological studies of people
exposed to pesticides where finding a control
group with no or limited exposure may be
difficult. This is because most people almost
anywhere in the world will have some exposure
through water, food or atmosphere to pesticides.
Recent studies of sheep dipping also ran into
problems when trying to identify non-exposed
rural workers as a control group.
Other
problems come from what have been termed
'negative epidemiological studies'. 'Negative'
epidemiology or rather 'non positive studies' in
this context means the presentation of results as
evidence that no risks exist from a potential
hazard when the studies are not large and not
sensitive enough to be more than inconclusive and
limited(10). This relates to the problem of
studies which are unable to show whether a
correlation exists or not, because of
methodological problems or small populations or
whatever. However, 'negative epidemiological
studies' have sometimes been used to argue that
pesticides and other environmental hazards are
not hazards to the public at all. Yet these
studies cannot demonstrate either effects or
non-effects and they demonstrate the truism: the
absence of evidence is not evidence of absence.
The need
to involve workforces in workplace health
research has been widely acknowledged(11) but
good practice in the field is still lacking. Such
an approach would ensure that epidemiology is
located in the community and workplace in ways
that have rarely happened in the recent past: to
the detriment of both community and
epidemiology(12). The approach would involve the
public or specific communities in an important
educational and information process and help them
identify serious hazards and risks rather than
spurious ones. The very process of involvement
would ensure that there was greater public
confidence in both studies and results than has
hitherto been the case.
| What
to do to start a lay, worker or community epidemiology study 1 Collect as much data as you can about the incident you have been involved in. 2 Speak to any sympathetic professionals you can find who will support in principle the idea of a lay epidemiological study. Such people may include:
3
Explain your concerns and refer to the
WHO Charter on Environmental and Health
which states that individuals should be
consulted about those environmental
factors affecting their health. |
The
right of citizens and workers to know about the
hazards they have been or may be exposed to and
the risks following from those hazards should be
fundamental in any democratic society. The right
may create problems relating to doubt and worry
about future health risks but workers should be
informed about hazards affecting her or him(13).
There is
also the problem of the extent to which
epidemiology has been interpreted negatively on
the basis of restricted data. Workplace and
environmental health problems have been neglected
by some scientists and/or ignored by governments.
This approach has been adopted on several
occasions by powerful national
organisations-commercial, industrial and
governmental-in support of policies which may
damage or at the least provide no indication of
benefit to the public health. The tobacco and the
asbestos industries have been notable in the past
for selecting, excluding or suppressing
epidemiological and toxicological data so that
the health hazards attached to their industries
or products have been neglected or distorted.
"Any
people exposed to a small risk may generate a
large total of cases, albeit with no conspicuous
risk to any one person or group'(14). The
tendency of some epidemiologists and medical
practitioners in the past to ignore or minimise
low level environmental health risks to large
populations from such things as pesticides may be
corrected partly by the adoption of lay
epidemiology. In the US lay epidemiology has
shown greater concern about such low level risks
than some professional epidemiologists(15).
The
public are often unimpressed by epidemiological
analyses which reduce the impact of hazards on
individuals to very low statistical risks when
perceptions of risk vary so much. Lay
epidemiology could therefore have an important
role to play in monitoring 'non-positive
epidemiological studies', flagging up concerns
and worries about hazards which could be
investigated at an early stage, possibly to be
discounted or put in context as insignificant
risks at a later date. This will help to ensure
firstly that the possibilities of low level
exposures leading to unforeseen ill-health are
not forgotten by professionals and secondly that
public panics about health fears are reduced when
public and professional groups together find them
to be unfounded.
References
1. Watterson, A.E., Chemical Hazards and Public Confidence, Lancet 1993, 342:131-132.
2. Watterson, A.E., Whither lay epidemiology in occupational and environmental health? Journal of Public Health Medicine, 1994, 270-274.
3. Workers Health International Newsletter (1994/5), When it comes to their health, workers always know best, 42:10-11.
4. Brown P.(ed), Perspectives in Medical Sociology. Belmont, California, Wadsworth, 1989.
5. Brown P., Popular Epidemiology and Toxic Waste contamination: lay and professional ways of knowing, Journal of Health and Social Behaviour 1992, 33:267-281.
6. Scott-Samuel A., Building the new public health: a public health alliance and a new epidemiology in Martin, C. and McQueen, D., Readings for a New Public Health, Edinburgh University Press, 1989, 29-44.
7. Ibid.
8. Loewenson, R., Laurell, C. and Hogstedt, C., Participatory approaches in occupational health research, 1994. National Institute of Occupational Health. Sweden World Health Organisation, European Charter on Environment and Health. Copenhagen, WHO, 1989.
9. World Health Organisation, Environment and Health: The European Charter and Commentary, Copenhagen, WHO, 1994, 1990:68 WHIN.
10. Hernberg S. Introduction to Occupational Epidemiology. Michigan: Lewis Publishers, 1992.
11. Olsen, J., Merletti, F., Snashall, D. and Vuylsteek, K. Searching for the Causes of Work-related Diseases, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1991.
12. Burrage H. Epidemiology and Community Health: a strained connection. Soc Sci Med 1987, 25:895-903.
13. Beritic T. Workers at Risk: the right to know. Lancet 1993, 341:933-934.
14. Rose G. Environmental health: problems and prospects. Journal Roy Coll Physicians 1991, 25:48-52.
15. Op. cit. 5.
Dr. Andrew Watterson is head of the Department of Health and Continuing Professional Studies and Director of the Centre for Occupational and Environmental Health Policy Research at De Montfort University, Leicester, UK.
* The Camelford case in the South West of England involved a water pollution incident. Many of those exposed found major problems with the conduct of the investigation, the speed with which the incident was officially investigated, the disclosure of information and other matters.
[This
article first appeared in Pesticides News No. 30,
December 1995, pages 8-9]